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For decades, Pakistan's national narrative was carefully curated by the state, weaving a story of national identity that was deliberately detached from the Subcontinent's ancient past. But according to a two-part series in Dawn, Pakistan's most respected English-language daily, this narrative is now being quietly rewritten. As the country grapples with internal strife and shifting regional dynamics, the state is increasingly looking to an older lineage — that of the 5,000-year-old Indus civilisation — to fashion a new, more moderate self-image.

Coverage Comparison

The Dawn reports, both analytical in nature, trace this evolution from the 1970s through to the present. The first article offers a historical overview, focusing on the institutional attempts to preserve a state-curated narrative, most notably through the Single National Curriculum (SNC) introduced by the Imran Khan administration (2018-2022). The second takes a more personal angle, profiling historians who risked censorship, exile, and financial ruin to challenge the official story.

Both pieces converge on a central thesis: the state's narrative, once rigid and religiously inflected, is now incorporating ideas once considered subversive. The reports jointly note that scholars like Sibte Hasan, K.K. Aziz, and Ayesha Jalal, who in the 1980s argued that the state was distorting Jinnah's vision, are now seeing their perspectives enter mainstream discourse. As one Dawn article puts it, "the state has not only softened its stance towards these counter-narratives, but is actively borrowing elements from them."

Key Claims

The Single National Curriculum as a Last Gasp

According to Dawn, the SNC represented a "final institutional attempt" to preserve a national narrative that had been in place since the 1970s. This narrative, which amplified Political Islam, was formalised under the label "Pakistan Ideology" in 1978, in the aftermath of the 1971 war that led to Bangladesh's independence. By the 2010s, the report argues, this framework was fracturing under the weight of escalating sectarian violence, Islamist terrorism, and fraying civil-military relations.

The Emergence of Counter-Narratives

Dawn reports that in the 1980s and 1990s, a group of intellectuals began challenging the state's version of history. K.K. Aziz's book The Murder of History exposed "glaring historical discrepancies" in textbooks after 1978. Aitzaz Ahsan's The Indus Saga and the Making of Pakistan formalised the Indus Theory, which posits that Pakistan is the "organic, modern manifestation" of a distinct 5,000-year-old civilisation anchored to the Indus River system. These works were initially confined to elite circles and faced severe repression. The reports note that Aziz had his research material confiscated and allegedly destroyed by the Ziaul Haq dictatorship in 1977.

The 18th Amendment and Provincial Autonomy

Dawn also credits the 18th Amendment to Pakistan's Constitution for loosening the federal grip on education. By devolving education to the provinces, the amendment allowed regional governments, such as Sindh's, to reintroduce Jinnah's August 11, 1947 speech into textbooks in 2015 — a speech that had been expunged from the curriculum after 1971. This speech, which emphasised equal rights for all citizens regardless of religion, had long been a focal point for critics of the state's narrow religious narrative.

Perspectives

The State's Evolving Identity

The Dawn articles suggest that the Pakistani state is repositioning itself as a "moderate, organic continuation of ancient civilisations." This shift, the reports argue, is driven by the need to sustain Pakistan's status as a rising regional power and to address both internal and external challenges. By borrowing from the Indus theory, the state can project a narrative that predates the Subcontinent's Islamic conquests, offering a more inclusive and stable foundation for national identity.

The Role of Intellectuals

A second perspective, more prominent in the second Dawn piece, emphasises the sacrifices of historians who risked everything to challenge the state's narrative. Benazir Bhutto's government reportedly supported Aziz's research in 1994, employing him at the Pakistan High Commission in London. Dr. Ashiq Husain Batalvi, who worked closely with Muhammad Iqbal and Jinnah, later wrote about how post-Partition Pakistan had drifted from its original inclusive ideals. These accounts highlight the personal cost of intellectual dissent.

Unanswered Questions

While the Dawn reports are rich in historical detail, they do not address the practical implications of this narrative shift. Is the SNC, introduced in 2018, still in force? How have provincial governments responded to the federal curriculum? And will the Indus theory truly displace the religious narrative that has dominated for decades? These questions remain open, but the reports make clear that Pakistan's national story is far from static.